TY - JOUR

T1 - Verbal prefixation, construction grammar, and semantic compatibility

T2 - Evidence from the locative alternation in Polish

AU - Lewandowski, Wojciech

PY - 2016

Y1 - 2016

N2 - This paper aims to analyze the interaction between prefixes, verbs,and abstract argument structure constructions, using as a testing ground thelocative alternation. It has been assumed that in order to participate in thelocative alternation, a verb must specify a manner of motion from which achange of state can be obtained (see, for instance, Steven Pinker’s Learnabilityand cognition, 1989). However, this generalization does not take into account the argument structure effects involved in verbal prefixation in Slavic where some change-of-location verbs can appear in the change-of-state variant, whenheaded by a resultative prefix. In Olbishevska’s generative-derivational analysisof the locative alternation in Russian, it is claimed that resultative prefixes arederivational morphemes subcategorizing for a location argument. While I agreethat it is the resultative prefix that makes the alternation possible, I propose thatit is not the case that a new verb with a different argument structure is derivedby means of prefixation, but rather that it is the verb that integrates into theprefixed change-of-state variant. I analyze the change-of-state variant in thespirit of Goldberg’s Construction Grammar and Langacker’s Cognitive Grammarapproach and show that resultative prefixes are not abstract syntactic features,but rather that each prefixed change-of-state construction is based on a specificconfiguration between the locatum and the location. I demonstrate that theinteraction between resultative prefixes, alternating verbs, and the more abstractchange-of-state variant is driven by semantic coherence.Keywords: resultative prefixes, construction grammar, semantic coherence, locative alternation, Polish

AB - This paper aims to analyze the interaction between prefixes, verbs,and abstract argument structure constructions, using as a testing ground thelocative alternation. It has been assumed that in order to participate in thelocative alternation, a verb must specify a manner of motion from which achange of state can be obtained (see, for instance, Steven Pinker’s Learnabilityand cognition, 1989). However, this generalization does not take into account the argument structure effects involved in verbal prefixation in Slavic where some change-of-location verbs can appear in the change-of-state variant, whenheaded by a resultative prefix. In Olbishevska’s generative-derivational analysisof the locative alternation in Russian, it is claimed that resultative prefixes arederivational morphemes subcategorizing for a location argument. While I agreethat it is the resultative prefix that makes the alternation possible, I propose thatit is not the case that a new verb with a different argument structure is derivedby means of prefixation, but rather that it is the verb that integrates into theprefixed change-of-state variant. I analyze the change-of-state variant in thespirit of Goldberg’s Construction Grammar and Langacker’s Cognitive Grammarapproach and show that resultative prefixes are not abstract syntactic features,but rather that each prefixed change-of-state construction is based on a specificconfiguration between the locatum and the location. I demonstrate that theinteraction between resultative prefixes, alternating verbs, and the more abstractchange-of-state variant is driven by semantic coherence.Keywords: resultative prefixes, construction grammar, semantic coherence, locative alternation, Polish

UR - https://www.degruyter.com/downloadpdf/j/flin.2016.50.issue-1/flin-2016-0006/flin-2016-0006.pdf

U2 - 10.1515/flin-2016-0006

DO - 10.1515/flin-2016-0006

M3 - Journal article

VL - 50

SP - 175

EP - 206

JO - Folia Linguistica

JF - Folia Linguistica

SN - 0165-4004

IS - 1

ER -